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On the other hand, you have the many projects which attempt to incorporate Mexico and the many communities of African descendants that litter the margins of Mestizo regional centers in states such as Oaxaca, Guerrero, Michoacan, and Veracruz, and arguably others, into a preexisting politics of diaspora.In both cases, these two contrasting projects become a part of the long-standing struggle for citizenship and human rights in both Latin America and abroad. diasporic connection, act as two poles which have seemed to define the political projects of recognition for black communities and the rights to be associated with these communities in Latin America, as well as globally.
(  The term by which to refer to African descendants within Mexico is presently under discussion.
Many terms circulate within the circles interested in the subject of blackness in Mexico, both locally and abroad.
This conflict can be seen in a number of ways, as diasporic representations become useful within local contexts to define the consumer of an image rather than the actual subject of the image.
Or perhaps easier said, the subject of an image becomes the object on which the viewer inscribes meaning. This process allows the consumer of the image to assume a monopoly on the tools by which to make meaning.
While neither of these terms has yet to be agreed upon as the official term for recognition, all of these terms circulate as ways to reference blackness in Mexico.
 While many have argued that indigenous groups have themselves been racialized, indigenous groups have been recognized according to culture and their explicit cultural difference in most cases of official recognition.I argue that in the case of images of blackness this process allows for the viewer to produce the subject in their own image rather than viewing the subject within the local contexts in which they were, and continue to be, forged. The question that remains for me, is how can we read the black body within a local context in a way that does justice to what it means to “be” in any given time or geography?While this question has been brought up within the literature in general, the inability to provide an answer seems to have frustrated our attempts at inventing new paradigms through which to view, read, and ultimately make sense of the black body in present times.Examples can also be taken from the many independence movements that swept through Latin America in the 19 century, where locally born European descendants were able to politically resist diasporic understandings through the political construction of the Mestizo as a proxy for whiteness.This mostly rhetorical move solidified the perception of the native peoples of the Americas as foundational elements to the newly conceived nations, while simultaneously allowing locally born whites to use the history of the “civilizing” project in the Americas to tap into a legitimate sense of belonging within the newly formed American nation states.However, a consensus has yet to be reached on how black communities in Mexico prefer to identify.Several terms used by locals and activists reference racial origins, such as Afro-Mexicano, Afro-Mestizo, or Afrodescendiente, while others directly reference phenotype and skin color, such as .This rhetorical inclusion also served to exclude the African descendant in the Americas, as evidenced by the present popularity of the awkward term “Afro-Mestizo”, which, if we were to take the project and process of mestizaje seriously, would not be necessary.In the development of this term we can recognize that the project of mestizaje was truly a reflection of the original meaning of the word, as a racial product of the mixing of equal part “indian” and “Spaniard”.I am in partial agreement with Vaughn, and feel that this situating of the black experience at either pole is unproductive.However, the situating of the black experience somewhere in the middle of these poles still does little to help us explode the false dichotomy, which the acceptance of these poles helps to create in the first place.